La question de l'inégalité entre les sexes transcende presque tous les domaines de la vie humaine, tels que la santé, l'éducation, l'emploi, la migration, le patrimoine, le sport ou la vie politique. Cette inégalité, profondément enracinée, structure les sociétés et semble, d'une certaine manière, organiser le monde. Il convient toutefois de souligner que les discriminations actuelles ne sont pas inévitables mais plutôt le résultat d'une absence de volonté politique. Malgré l'immensité des défis, des solutions existent pour préserver et accroître les droits des femmes, et faire de leur respect une priorité collective .
International audience ; Treating the category "martyr" as socially constructed and contested along gendered and political lines, this paper examines how heroes and martyrs have been produced and deployed in post-revolutionary Tunisia. It begins by examining governmental attempts, launched soon after the revolution, to monopolize and institutionally define who could benefit from official recognition as a martyr. The differences in the definition of "martyrdom" between official institutions and families of the deceased are unpacked, arguing that "martyr" is a moral category, the boundaries of which are often drawn in terms of differing masculinities. The paper goes on to demonstrate how the category of "martyrs of the nation" has progressively overshadowed the category of "martyrs of the revolution" in official memorial practices, as the commemoration of the revolution has progressively focused on its uniformed victims, leaving out the civilian ones. One of the interesting features of this shift is that it demonstrates the malleability of the way the category "violence" is understood and deployed. The paper thus shows how neither state officials nor the families of deceased officers, activists, or bystanders accepted that it was sufficient simply to have died during the upheaval in order to be recognized as a martyr. All applied additional moral and political criteria in order to determine who deserved to be labelled as a martyr. At stake in these debates were contrasting representations of masculinity, in particular between triumphant, militaristic masculinities and fragile and damaged masculinities. As the figure of the uniformed "hero" has become increasingly consolidated and hegemonic in post-revolutionary Tunisia, the term "martyr" itself has been increasingly appropriated by state institutions and official memorial practices that serve to reaffirm order and governmental power. ; Envisageant la catégorie de « martyr » en termes de rapports sociaux de classe et de sexe, cet article examine la fabrique des « ...
International audience ; Treating the category "martyr" as socially constructed and contested along gendered and political lines, this paper examines how heroes and martyrs have been produced and deployed in post-revolutionary Tunisia. It begins by examining governmental attempts, launched soon after the revolution, to monopolize and institutionally define who could benefit from official recognition as a martyr. The differences in the definition of "martyrdom" between official institutions and families of the deceased are unpacked, arguing that "martyr" is a moral category, the boundaries of which are often drawn in terms of differing masculinities. The paper goes on to demonstrate how the category of "martyrs of the nation" has progressively overshadowed the category of "martyrs of the revolution" in official memorial practices, as the commemoration of the revolution has progressively focused on its uniformed victims, leaving out the civilian ones. One of the interesting features of this shift is that it demonstrates the malleability of the way the category "violence" is understood and deployed. The paper thus shows how neither state officials nor the families of deceased officers, activists, or bystanders accepted that it was sufficient simply to have died during the upheaval in order to be recognized as a martyr. All applied additional moral and political criteria in order to determine who deserved to be labelled as a martyr. At stake in these debates were contrasting representations of masculinity, in particular between triumphant, militaristic masculinities and fragile and damaged masculinities. As the figure of the uniformed "hero" has become increasingly consolidated and hegemonic in post-revolutionary Tunisia, the term "martyr" itself has been increasingly appropriated by state institutions and official memorial practices that serve to reaffirm order and governmental power. ; Envisageant la catégorie de « martyr » en termes de rapports sociaux de classe et de sexe, cet article examine la fabrique des « ...
Au Caire, en janvier 2011, des centaines de milliers de personnes manifestent contre Hosni Moubarak, remettant en cause la légitimité de son pouvoir. Des basculements décisifs, relatifs aux manières de dire les usages légitimes et illégitimes de la violence, s'opèrent durant cette période, permettant au rapport de force de s'inverser. Les basculements à l'échelle du pays ont travaillé – et ont été dialectiquement travaillés par – les expériences quotidiennes des individus, leurs relations ainsi que leurs représentations du monde et de son ordre. Cet article se concentre sur la dimension intime de la révolution égyptienne, à l'échelle des corps et des individus. Les franchissements dont il est ici question sont discrets, presque minuscules, mais n'en demeurent pas moins importants à analyser, témoignant de l'imbrication permanente des différents ordres sociaux et de la dimension ordinaire des périodes extraordinaires.
Treating the category "martyr" as socially constructed and contested along gendered and political lines, this paper examines how heroes and martyrs have been produced and deployed in post-revolutionary Tunisia. It begins by examining governmental attempts, launched soon after the revolution, to monopolize and institutionally define who could benefit from official recognition as a martyr. The differences in the definition of "martyrdom" between official institutions and families of the deceased are unpacked, arguing that "martyr" is a moral category, the boundaries of which are often drawn in terms of differing masculinities. The paper goes on to demonstrate how the category of "martyrs of the nation" has progressively overshadowed the category of "martyrs of the revolution" in official memorial practices, as the commemoration of the revolution has progressively focused on its uniformed victims, leaving out the civilian ones. One of the interesting features of this shift is that it demonstrates the malleability of the way the category "violence" is understood and deployed. The paper thus shows how neither state officials nor the families of deceased officers, activists, or bystanders accepted that it was sufficient simply to have died during the upheaval in order to be recognized as a martyr. All applied additional moral and political criteria in order to determine who deserved to be labelled as a martyr. At stake in these debates were contrasting representations of masculinity, in particular between triumphant, militaristic masculinities and fragile and damaged masculinities. As the figure of the uniformed "hero" has become increasingly consolidated and hegemonic in post-revolutionary Tunisia, the term "martyr" itself has been increasingly appropriated by state institutions and official memorial practices that serve to reaffirm order and governmental power.
La révolution égyptienne a marqué un tournant majeur dans l'appréhension de l'usage de la violence par les femmes en venant bouleverser, en la politisant, la compréhension du harcèlement sexuel. À mesure que les violences sexuelles s'intensifiaient sur la place Tahrir, les techniques de combat se formulaient comme légitimes ressources féminines. La perception que la ville du Caire serait devenue dangereuse a contribué par la suite à accélérer la diffusion des pratiques féminines de défense, encourageant des passages à l'acte inédits. La période de restauration autoritaire se caractérise quant à elle par une instrumentalisation et une dépolitisation de la « cause des femmes ».
International audience ; L'étude des logiques concurrentes d'attribution du qualificatif « martyr » permet de rendre visibles les tensions qui organisent, depuis 2011, la mise en récits et en images de la révolution égyptienne. Dans une période où plusieurs référents politiques et cadres interprétatifs rivalisent pour faire autorité, les manières de dire et de montrer sont loin d'être secondaires et les modalités de désignation et de représentation des martyrs l'illustrent bien. Le conflit autour des processus de fabrique des « martyrs de la révolution », travaillés tant par des enjeux sociaux que sexués, ne se cantonne pas à l'ordre du discours mais se traduit graphiquement dans les différents espaces mémoriels relatifs à la révolution.
International audience ; L'étude des logiques concurrentes d'attribution du qualificatif « martyr » permet de rendre visibles les tensions qui organisent, depuis 2011, la mise en récits et en images de la révolution égyptienne. Dans une période où plusieurs référents politiques et cadres interprétatifs rivalisent pour faire autorité, les manières de dire et de montrer sont loin d'être secondaires et les modalités de désignation et de représentation des martyrs l'illustrent bien. Le conflit autour des processus de fabrique des « martyrs de la révolution », travaillés tant par des enjeux sociaux que sexués, ne se cantonne pas à l'ordre du discours mais se traduit graphiquement dans les différents espaces mémoriels relatifs à la révolution.
This thesis is the result of an ethnographic study conducted between 2011 and 2012, primarily through participant observation, on certain defense practices that have emerged in recent years in Egypt and contributed to a "revolutionary" security market. Self-defense classes (difā'a 'an al-nafs), the popularity of which has continued to grow since 2011 in socially affluent districts of Cairo, are at the heart of this research. The dissertation conceives of self-defense trainings as not only revealing but also producing "revolutionary" physical and technical repertoires in which the emotional, gendered, social and moral dimensions of the period's political upheavals are embodied. Women – but sometimes also men – come to the self-defense classes to acquire combat skills such as throwing kicks and punches, learning to face aggressors using specific objects and bodily techniques. The notion of "play" is used as a theoretical tool for drawing together and analyzing the different levels of meaning of the paradoxical experiences observed in these classes. The ethnography allows for a better understanding of the evolution of urban sociability, the transformation of representations and uses of violence, and the reconfiguration of gender and class relations in contemporary Egyptian society. By making visible the technical dimension of how individuals deal with power and the socially and sexually situated modalities by which categories such as "legitimacy" and "illegitimacy" are produced with respect to violence, self-defense constitutes a valuable vantage point from which to contribute to an anthropology of the Egyptian revolution. ; Depuis 2011, la révolution égyptienne et ses contrecoups ont suscité au Caire l'émergence d'un véritable marché de la sécurité. Cette thèse est le fruit d'une enquête ethnographique, menée en observation participante, relative à différentes pratiques de défense ayant émergé dans ce cadre. Les cours de self-défense (difā'a 'an al-nafs), dont le succès ne cesse de se confirmer dans les quartiers ...
This thesis is the result of an ethnographic study conducted between 2011 and 2012, primarily through participant observation, on certain defense practices that have emerged in recent years in Egypt and contributed to a "revolutionary" security market. Self-defense classes (difā'a 'an al-nafs), the popularity of which has continued to grow since 2011 in socially affluent districts of Cairo, are at the heart of this research. The dissertation conceives of self-defense trainings as not only revealing but also producing "revolutionary" physical and technical repertoires in which the emotional, gendered, social and moral dimensions of the period's political upheavals are embodied. Women – but sometimes also men – come to the self-defense classes to acquire combat skills such as throwing kicks and punches, learning to face aggressors using specific objects and bodily techniques. The notion of "play" is used as a theoretical tool for drawing together and analyzing the different levels of meaning of the paradoxical experiences observed in these classes. The ethnography allows for a better understanding of the evolution of urban sociability, the transformation of representations and uses of violence, and the reconfiguration of gender and class relations in contemporary Egyptian society. By making visible the technical dimension of how individuals deal with power and the socially and sexually situated modalities by which categories such as "legitimacy" and "illegitimacy" are produced with respect to violence, self-defense constitutes a valuable vantage point from which to contribute to an anthropology of the Egyptian revolution. ; Depuis 2011, la révolution égyptienne et ses contrecoups ont suscité au Caire l'émergence d'un véritable marché de la sécurité. Cette thèse est le fruit d'une enquête ethnographique, menée en observation participante, relative à différentes pratiques de défense ayant émergé dans ce cadre. Les cours de self-défense (difā'a 'an al-nafs), dont le succès ne cesse de se confirmer dans les quartiers ...
This thesis is the result of an ethnographic study conducted between 2011 and 2012, primarily through participant observation, on certain defense practices that have emerged in recent years in Egypt and contributed to a "revolutionary" security market. Self-defense classes (difā'a 'an al-nafs), the popularity of which has continued to grow since 2011 in socially affluent districts of Cairo, are at the heart of this research. The dissertation conceives of self-defense trainings as not only revealing but also producing "revolutionary" physical and technical repertoires in which the emotional, gendered, social and moral dimensions of the period's political upheavals are embodied. Women – but sometimes also men – come to the self-defense classes to acquire combat skills such as throwing kicks and punches, learning to face aggressors using specific objects and bodily techniques. The notion of "play" is used as a theoretical tool for drawing together and analyzing the different levels of meaning of the paradoxical experiences observed in these classes. The ethnography allows for a better understanding of the evolution of urban sociability, the transformation of representations and uses of violence, and the reconfiguration of gender and class relations in contemporary Egyptian society. By making visible the technical dimension of how individuals deal with power and the socially and sexually situated modalities by which categories such as "legitimacy" and "illegitimacy" are produced with respect to violence, self-defense constitutes a valuable vantage point from which to contribute to an anthropology of the Egyptian revolution. ; Depuis 2011, la révolution égyptienne et ses contrecoups ont suscité au Caire l'émergence d'un véritable marché de la sécurité. Cette thèse est le fruit d'une enquête ethnographique, menée en observation participante, relative à différentes pratiques de défense ayant émergé dans ce cadre. Les cours de self-défense (difā'a 'an al-nafs), dont le succès ne cesse de se confirmer dans les quartiers ...
